Immigration Policy

The Fabian Society has not always been pro-immigration. In the first years of its existence, for example, it was advising the government to restrict immigration of unskilled foreign workers (Pugh, p. 18). Later, however, a steadily rising number of immigrants were coming into the country thanks to the British Nationality Act passed by the Fabian Attlee Government in 1948.

In the late 1960s, Labour governments were forced to introduce legislation restricting immigration. While cabinet members - most of whom were Fabians - supported this legislation, some leading Fabians did oppose immigration control, notably former Fabian Society general secretary Shirley Williams, who served as Minister for Home Affairs (Hansen, p. 810).

Eventually, the Fabian leadership clearly took the side of the growing immigrant population. By the early 1980s, the Fabian Labour Party was campaigning for the removal of restrictions on immigration related to age, sex, citizenship and birthplace, that is, virtually all restrictions that had earlier been introduced by the Tory Party (Labour Party manifesto 1983).

As large numbers of immigrants were from non-white areas like the Caribbean, South Asia and Africa, immigration was inevitably linked to race, providing Fabians with the opportunity of using power relations between whites and non-whites for their own agenda.

By the late 1950s, the interests of minorities began to develop into a major concern of the Fabian Society and the Labour Party, as evidenced by a string of publications such as the Labour Party's "Racial discrimination" (1958), the Young Fabian Society's "Strangers within" (1965) and the Fabian Society's "Immigration and race relations" (1970).

Before long, "race discrimination" was replaced by "positive discrimination" in favour of immigrant minorities. For example, in the 1960s and 70s, Fabian-controlled local authorities introduced schemes facilitating the housing of non-white immigrants through loans and the preferential employment of non-whites (Patterson, pp. 212-3; Joppke, p. 231).

Chief among these authorities was the Greater London Council (GLC), the local governing body for Greater London, which had evolved from the earlier London County Council (LCC), a body dominated by Fabians from the 1890s, when Sidney Webb and other Fabians were members of its various committees. Like its predecessor, the GLC (established in 1965) was controlled by Fabians like Tom Ponsonby, who served as alderman and later chairman in the 70s, while also serving as general secretary of the Fabian Society (1964-76) and governor of the LSE.

Fabians were instrumental in setting up a pervading system of race relations legislation complete with the authorities to implement it (Pugh, p. 257). The 1965 Race Relations Act was introduced by Home Secretary Frank Soskice, a Fabian. The Act created the Race Relations Board (RRB) which was set up in the following year by the incoming Home Secretary and former Fabian Society chairman, Roy Jenkins.

In 1967, Home Secretary Roy Jenkins drafted a Race Relations Bill leading to the second Race Relations Act - introduced by his fellow Fabian and successor James Callaghan in the following year - which established the Community Relations Commission (CRC). In 1976, Roy Jenkins, again as Labour Home Secretary, introduced the third Race Relations Act which merged the RRB and the CRC to form the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) with new enforcement powers.

The Commission for Racial Equality along with the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC) - also created by Roy Jenkins in 1975 - and a wide range of immigrant-oriented inner-city and other programmes became the key instrument through which the Fabians were able to further enforce their immigrationist policies.

Another leading race relations activist was special adviser to Roy Jenkins, Anthony Lester, honorary treasurer and later chairman (1972-73) of the Fabian Society. Lester was a close collaborator of the above-mentioned race relations organisations, founded the pro-immigrant Runnymede Trust and authored various publications promoting a Fabian agenda like "Policies for Racial Equality" (1969).

Fabian programmatic papers like "A Policy for Equality: Race" (ILEA, 1983), show that by the 1980s, under the pretext of "race equality", Fabian policy aimed to change what it had identified as the "power relations between white and black people" in favour of the non-white immigrant population.

Finally, the Fabian Blair-Brown governments of 1997-2010 introduced a wide range of pro-immigrant policies including the systematic and deliberate facilitation of mass immigration for the purpose of changing British society (Green, 2010).

The Fabian stance on immigration is clear from the statements of leading Fabians like Fabian Society general secretary Andrew Harrop to the effect that concerns about immigration should be caused to subside or broaden and that talking about immigration "helps to moderate opinion" (Harrop, "Home affairs: too hot to handle?", pp. 97-100), as well as from Fabian publications like "The Great Rebalancing: How to fix the broken economy" (2013) promoting the view that "immigration is central to our growth strategy."

Economic "growth", whether factual or imagined, is not the only motivating factor behind these immigrationist policies. The Labour document initiating the mass immigration programme in the early 2000s, makes it very clear that the policy was intended to "maximise the Government's economic and social objectives" (Whitehead, 2010). What these "social objectives" are we shall see next.

Multiculturalism, Diversity and Ethnic Destruction

The Fabian leadership already advocated the destruction of British culture in the early years of Fabianism. Lectures with titles like "Civilisation: Its Cause and Cure" by Edward Carpenter (1889) were the order of the day while Bernard Shaw regarded it as "good statesmanship" to blow every cathedral in the world to pieces with dynamite without concern about opposition from art critics (Britain, p. 108).

In the 1950s, leading Fabian Society members like Hugh Gaitskell, C. A. R. Crosland and Roy Jenkins, who were on the payroll of international money interests, began to "modernise" British society after the American model, launching a campaign of systematic promotion of American culture which was done in collaboration with the CIA-funded Congress of Cultural Freedom (CCF) and the closely-related Rockefeller and Ford foundations (Callaghan, p. 201-2).

[Fabian Bertrand Russell was honorary chairman of the CCF. See article "The Congress for Cultural Freedom" --ed]

The "American culture" promoted by the above interests included strong Afro-American elements such as jazz. These elements were reinforced by African-Caribbean traditions like reggae in the 1960s and 70s (promoted by the same interests) and thanks to the subsequent influx of related Afro-American genres (rap, hip-hop, etc.) became dominant, paving the way for large-scale penetration and gradual replacement of European culture by non-European traditions.

Meanwhile, rising numbers of immigrants, particularly South Asians (Indians and Pakistanis) began to resist assimilation into British society (Patterson, p. 111). Instead of encouraging the immigrant population to assimilate, the left-wing political leadership under Fabian Prime Minister Harold Wilson reacted by imposing multiculturalism disguised as "integration" on the indigenous society (Joppke, p. 233).

In a speech to a meeting of Voluntary Liaison Committees on 23 May 1966, Labour Home Secretary and former Fabian Society chairman, Roy Jenkins, defined integration as "equal opportunity, accompanied by cultural diversity", adding that this was now a "Home Office responsibility" (Patterson, p. 113). Thus, state-imposed cultural diversity, later dubbed "multiculturalism", became the established policy of Fabian-Labour governments.

This policy of state-enforced cultural diversity was closely linked with mass immigration. In the late 1990s, Tony Blair's Fabian Labour regime embarked on a programme of systematic state-promoted mass immigration with the express aim of making British society "more multicultural" (Whitehead, 2009).

Labour's multiculturalist programme was fully in line with the agenda of Fabian operations like the Runnymede Trust, whose Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain set up in 1998 to promote "racial justice" demanded a formal declaration that Britain is a multicultural society and called on political leaders to lead the country in "re-imagining Britain" (CFMEB, 2000, p. 229).

The CFMEB report - edited in early 2000 for publication in October - also coincided with the secret Labour document "Preliminary Report on Migration" produced by the Home Office and Tony Blair's Cabinet Office think-tank Performance and Innovation Unit (PIU), which referred to the "social objectives" of the government's immigration policy (PIU/HO, 2000; Green, 2010; Whitehead, 2010).

As we have just seen, these "social objectives" revolved around changing British culture. As pointed out by leading commentators, there was a deliberate agenda to transform the cultural identity of the British people. Melanie Phillips correctly described this agenda as "national cultural sabotage" (Phillips, 2009).

However, the most important and dramatic changes mass immigration brings about in a society are not cultural but demographic, that is ethnic and racial. You cannot import millions of ethnically and racially distinct people into a given territory without changing the ethnic and racial make-up of the host population. It follows that the real and most disturbing agenda of Fabian-Labour policy aimed to change the ethnic and racial make-up of British society.

This is a very important point given that, while the destruction of an entire nation's cultural identity is morally reprehensible, the forcible transformation of a population's ethnic and racial composition is an enterprise of a different order, coming very close to the accepted definition of genocide -- a very serious crime not only in moral but also in legal terms.

These alarming developments have been pointed out by a number of commentators, from Leo McKinstry who notes that there is a "campaign of aggressive discrimination against England's indigenous population" ranging from discrimination against individuals to discrimination against whole towns and amounting to "war on the English people" (McKinstry, 2007), to Tony Shell who describes what is happening as "genocidal population change" and "progressive genocide" (Shell, 2011, p. 1; Shell, 2012, p. 2).

As conceded by Fabian Society general secretary Sunder Katwala, multiculturalism in Britain never succeeded in engaging the majority white population (Katwala, 2005). Reports by his think-tank British Future have found that indigenous Britons are far less optimistic about their future than the immigrant (black and Asian) population (Jolley and Katwala, 2012). Typically, Katwala seems to be unable (or unwilling) to understand that no project aiming to replace one population with another can possibly enjoy the support of the population being replaced.

There can be little doubt that, were these policies applied to non-European populations, their architects would be indicted by Fabians as "colonialists", "imperialists" and "racists." The Conservatives were absolutely right to demand an independent inquiry into the issue. However, even without an inquiry, Fabianism stands exposed as the double-faced, anti-British project it has always been.

Multiculturalism through state-imposed mass immigration is not, and will never be, a project representing the interests and wishes of Britain's indigenous population. Whose interests multiculturalism serves is clear from its architects and their connections from inception to the present.

Financial Support for Multiculturalism

The involvement of political interests like leading members of the Fabian Society and the Labour Party is indisputable. But equally important is the involvement of financial interests. Fabian Society member and former chairman Roy Jenkins joined David Rockefeller's Trilateral Commission in the 1970s. The Wilson government itself was funded by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) which was run by members of the Trilateral Commission and the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) (Martin, p. 109).

Thus, a clear connection can be established not only between multiculturalism and Fabianism but also between multiculturalism and the international money power. On their part, Fabianism and the money power themselves are united in their shared goal of establishing world government by destroying the nation-state.

This shared goal naturally leads to close co-operation between Fabians and like-minded politicians as well as financial and industrial interests. These interests have a long history of using "philanthropic" foundations to promote their subversive agendas under the cloak of "social and racial justice" or "the public good."

Charity Commission records show that in 2007 the Fabian Society and the Barrow Cadbury Trust, a pro-immigrant charitable foundation controlled by chocolate manufacturer Cadbury that operates in partnership with the Fabian Society, took part in secret discussions on "progressive migration policy" with various Labour politicians including Immigration Minister Liam Byrne (Shell, 2011, p. 2), a Fabian Society member and co-founder of Progress (see below).

Other major "charities" operating in partnership with the Fabian Society, funding its projects, or otherwise promoting its agenda, are the Webb Memorial Trust and the Joseph Rowntree foundations.

The Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust (JRRT) along with Barrow Cadbury Trust (BCT) have provided grants to COMPASS, a Brownite pressure group set up in 2003 and headed by the Fabian Neal Lawson. The Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT), which describes itself as a "progressive foundation committed to radical change", has been co-funding the Runnymede Trust's Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain (CFMEB), etc.

These Fabian and Fabian-associated foundations are also heavily represented in a number of other foundations and associations of foundations, all working for the same Fabian agenda. For example, Barrow Cadbury Trust (BCT) CEO Sara Llewellin also serves as vice-chairman of the Association of Charitable Foundations (ACF), whose nominations committees include Anna Southhall of BCT and Simon Buxton of the Fabian-controlled Noel Buxton Trust (NBT), a foundation named after the Fabian Lord Noel-Buxton. Llewellin is also a member of the Governing Council of the European Foundations Centre.

Similar links may be established between the Fabian Blair-Brown administration and left-wing academic and financial interests.

Jonathan Portes, the head of the PIU Migration Project which produced the "Preliminary Report on Migration" advocating mass immigration for social-engineering purposes, is the son of Professor Richard Portes, a CFR director and leading member of the Fabian-controlled Royal Economics Society (vice-chairman from 2009).

Prior to joining the Blair Administration, Jonathan Portes worked for the U.S. Treasury Department under Treasury Secretary and CFR director Robert Rubin (1996-9) and as special consultant to the IMF under first deputy managing director and LSE economics graduate Stanley Fischer (1998-9). (Rubin also studied at LSE --ed)

In February 2011 Portes took on a post as director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research (NIESR), a Keynesian outfit set up with Rockefeller funds by LSE graduate and banker Josiah Stamp. With Nicholas Monk, son of Fabian Society general secretary Bosworth Monk, as president and LSE Professor of Economics and Political Science, Tomothy Besley, as chairman, the NIESR is clearly another Fabian operation with Rockefeller connections.

Likewise, we find that Tony Blair's assistant political secretary (1997-2000), Farzana Hakim, joined J.P. Morgan in 2000 when it was bought up by the Rockefellers' Chase Manhattan Bank. Tony Blair himself, on leaving office, took on a post as adviser to J.P. Morgan (part of the Rockefellers' new bank, JPMorgan Chase) and currently chairs its International Advisory Council whose members include: long-time Rockefeller associates Henry Kissinger and Kofi Annan; Khalid Al-Falih, President and CEO of Saudi Aramco (a former Rockefeller-Saudi operation); and Ratan Naval Tata, chairman of Tata Sons Ltd.

As shown above, both the Rockefellers and the Tata Group have close links to the Fabian Society going back to the early 1900s and both groups have made substantial monetary contributions to the Fabian Society's London School of Economics .