Fabian Penetration and the Islamic Backlash

From the early 1890s onwards, the Fabians were busy travelling around the world, setting up Fabian groups or quietly spreading their teachings in nearly every country on earth (M. Cole, pp. 347-8). The Islamic Middle East and North Africa were no exception. In 1922, Turkey became a secular, Westernised republic.

By the 1950s, 60s and 70s, Socialism with an Arab twist was spreading to the rest of the Islamic world: Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Algeria, Libya and even Saudi Arabia where Prince Talal Ibn Saud, the ruling king's brother, declared himself to be "a Fabian Socialist" (Fabian News, Nov. 1962).

As shown above, however, there was a parallel counter-movement unfolding at the same time, often with Western (including Fabian) assistance. The Fabians' systematic promotion of anti-colonialism certainly accounts for much of the anti-Western sentiment that was to develop particularly in the Muslim world.

Thus, while various Arab organisations began to spring up -- the Arab League (1945), the Council of Arab Economic Unity (1957), the Arab Common Market (1964) -- apparently emulating similar Western organisations, other bodies with a distinctly Islamic agenda came on the scene.

One of these was the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, an organisation set up in 1972 to preserve Islamic social and economic values and to promote solidarity among its members, and whose institutions were to be an Islamic Development Bank, an Islamic Educational, scientific and Cultural Organisation and an International Islamic News Agency.

Apart from Fabian-inspired anti-colonialism, the reason for this new Muslim assertiveness was the West's growing dependence on Arab oil. At the 1955 annual conference, the Fabian-controlled Labour executive noted that the Middle East was the main issue in the world because that was where most of the world's oil reserves lay (Callaghan, p. 231).

Britain's oil supplies were, for the time being, reasonably safe. In 1953, Prime Minister Winston Churchill and U.S. President Eisenhower had ordered a coup d'etat in Iran, carried out through MI6 and the CIA, to install a puppet regime and put that country's oil resources under the control of the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (later BP) (M. Curtis, 2003, pp. 303-4). The remainder of Britain's oil imports (about half) was supplied by Kuwait.

A turning point in Western-Muslim relations came in 1973, when oil-producing Arab countries (OPEC) imposed an oil embargo on America and several Western European countries who had supported Israel in the Arab-Israeli Yom Kippur War. At the same time, there was a five-fold increase in oil prices, creating huge deficits in oil-consuming economies.

While leading industrial countries like America, West Germany and Japan sensibly reduced their deficits by deflating their economies, the Labour government under Fabian Chancellor Healey decided to finance Britain's own deficit by borrowing from merchant banks as well as from Iran and Saudi Arabia.

Healey also proposed an international mechanism through which the IMF would borrow surplus petrodollars from the OPEC to loan to oil-consuming countries struggling to finance their deficits. When this was rejected by America, he organised a smaller-scale facility for Western European countries (Healey, pp. 423-6), named "Second Witteveen Oil Facility" after IMF managing director Johannes Witteveen, the former Finance Minister of the Netherlands who aimed to transform the IMF into a centralised global bank. Thus, with one stroke, Europe was demoted from colonial power to a dependency of the Arab world.

The Euro-Arab Dialogue and the Fabian New World Order

While the above manoeuvres rendered Britain and other European countries indebted to the Muslim-dominated OPEC and the IMF, another diabolical plan was hatched to tie Europe even closer to the Islamic world.

In 1973, French Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs Jean-Noel de Lipkowski initiated discussions for a Euro-Arab dialogue with the Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi (Ye'or, p. 52). In November, French President Georges Pompidou himself and West-German Chancellor Willy Brandt met to reaffirm the intention to engage in a "dialogue with the Arabs." At the instigation of Pompidou, a European Summit was convened on 14-15 December at Copenhagen to launch the Euro-Arab Dialogue (EAD).

A closer look at the protagonists of the Euro-Arab Project reveals the interests behind it. It is a well-known fact that the whole Pompidou Administration, from Under-Secretary Lipkowski to Foreign Minister Jobert to Pompidou, was pro-Arab and the President himself was known for his "Mediterranean vision." But the Pompidou Administration was also close to Rothschild interests. Pompidou himself had served as general director of the Rothschild Freres, Paris, and as manager of the French Rothschilds' business empire until 1962, when he became Prime Minister under de Gaulle.

The "development of Africa" had always been a Rothschild plank, being inserted into the 1950 Schuman Declaration - which established the European Coal and Steel Community (later EEC) - at the insistence of Rothschild cousin and former manager of the Rothschild business empire, Rene Mayer (Monet, p. 300). Of particular interest to the Rothschilds (and to the Rothschild-associated Pompidou Administration) was North Africa, especially oil-producing Arab countries like Algeria and Libya with whom both the Rothschilds and the French government were linked through oil interests: the French government's CFP and the Rothschilds' FRANCAREP were operating in the region alongside Shell (another Rothschild-controlled operation), the Rockefellers' Exxon, and other leading European and American companies.

The Fabians' nationalisation programme imposed on Britain under the Attlee regime after the war had inspired oil-producing countries like Iran, where the Socialist Mohammad Mossadegh nationalised the oil industry in the early 1950s, followed by other Muslim countries in the 60s and 70s. Algeria and Libya began nationalising French and other Western oil interests in 1971. Libya, in particular, was a leader of the Arab conspiracy against the West and, like its next-door neighbour Algeria, was run by a Socialist regime headed by Colonel Gaddafi, whose close links to the LSE and other Fabian organisations are described in "Socialism Exposed" (2012).

The Brandt Commission (1977-83)

Another Socialist involved in the Euro-Arab conspiracy was German Chancellor Willy Brandt, who had started his political career as co-founder and leader of the International Bureau of Revolutionary Youth Organisations, the youth wing of the International Revolutionary Marxist Centre, a.k.a. London Bureau. The Bureau was controlled by Fenner Brockway of the Independent Labour Party, who was also leader of the League Against Imperialism and a prominent Fabian Society member (Martin, p. 474).

In 1970, Brandt introduced the "Ostpolitik" (East Politics) approach of collaboration with the Moscow-led Eastern Bloc at the instigation of U.S. National Security Adviser and Rockefeller lieutenant Henry Kissinger, which made him the hero of the Labour Party. Brandt was also a long-time friend and colleague of Denis Healey and, as leader of Germany's Social Democratic Party, a leading figure in the Socialist International which Healey had set up in the 1950s and of which Brandt was appointed president in 1976.

In the following year, U.S. presidential adviser, World Bank President, CFR director and Rockefeller associate Robert McNamara appointed Brandt Chairman of the U.N. Independent Commission on International Development Issues (Brandt Commission). The Commission produced the pro-Third World Brandt Report which advocated a "North-South Dialogue" involving the transfer of resources from the North (the developed countries of the Northern hemisphere or First World) to the South (the undeveloped Southern hemisphere or Third World) (Quilligan, 2002). Brandt's proposals, particularly the creation of a global body to manage economic interdependence (Quilligan, p. 34) were clearly along the lines of Healey's IMF oil facility and similar Fabian projects.

Rothschild, Rockefeller and Arab Oil

Kissinger and McNamara had also been Healey's friends since the 1950s and 60s, respectively (Healey, pp. 316, 307) and so had "Conservative" Prime Minister Edward Heath, a friend of Healey from Balliol College, who was instrumental in engineering Britain's entry into the European Economic Community or Common Market -- with the assistance of Pompidou and Willy Brandt. Interestingly, IMF managing director Witteveen, who also became a friend of Healey, was a follower of what Healey calls "the Persian religion of Sufism." In fact, Sufism is a form of Islam.

Another key element in the equation was British Rothschild interests. Like their French counterparts, British governments had traditionally close links to the Rothschilds. When the chairman of the Fabian International Bureau, Philip Noel-Baker, became Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in 1945, he surrounded himself with members of Lord Victor Rothschild's circle (Healey, p. 107).

On his part, Rothschild surrounded himself with Fabians and Communists like John Strachey, Anthony Blunt (the Soviet spy), Guy Burgess (another Soviet spy) and Beatrice Webb's grand niece, Teresa ("Red Tess") Mayor, all of whom shared Rothschild's house in Bentinck Street. Rothschild became a Labour peer later that year, and in the following year married Mayor who had been his "personal assistant" in MI5 during the war and was now Noel-Baker's private secretary (Rose, p. 113).

[Blunt, Burgess, Philby and Maclean became known as "The Cambridge Spies". It has been alleged that Rothschild was the "fifth man" of the group. --ed)

Noel-Baker himself became chairman of the Labour Party in 1946 and later Commonwealth Secretary and Minister for Fuel and Power. Rothschild became head of research at Royal Dutch Shell from 1961 to 1970 and then served as founding director of the Central Policy Review Staff (CPRS), the cabinet think-tank advising the government, from 1971 to 1974, before becoming chairman of N. M. Rothschild and Rothschild Continuation (the Zurich-based holding company of the Rothschild banking group).

Needless to say, the Rothschilds (on both sides of the Channel) were in favour of Britain's entry into the European Economic Community and were involved in various EEC projects like the European Composite Unit (EURCO), a forerunner of the euro (Ferguson, 2000, vol. 2, p. 486). Moreover, both the Fabians and their financier associates had been at the forefront of the drive for a united Europe from the early 1900s (see above).

What becomes apparent is that there was a striking coincidence of a number of events representing key elements in the New Economic World Order that the Fabians and their financial and industrial collaborators and backers had been planning and promoting for decades, among which were the following:

• Nationalisation of oil in Socialist Arab countries, notably North African ones like Libya (who supplied 25 per cent of Western Europe's oil), 1971-3.
• Enlargement of the European Economic Community, 1973.
• Britain's entry into the EEC, 1973.
• Launch of the Rothschilds' European Composite Unit, 1973.
• Founding of the Rockefellers' Trilateral Commission, 1973, of which leading Fabian Roy Jenkins was a founding member, later joined by Healey and his friend Heath.
• Pompidou and Brandt's Euro-Arab Dialogue, 1973.
• The United Nations' New International Economic Order (NIEC), 1974.
• Healey's OPEC-IMF loan facility, 1974-75.
• The United Nations' Brandt Commission advocating a North-South Dialogue and redistribution of resources from the First World to the Third World, 1977-80.

It follows that the Euro-Arab Dialogue was in fact a regional scheme within the global New International Economic Order (Corbineau, p. 561), which was being forged by a small clique of left-wing, internationalist politicians, many of them Fabian or Fabian-influenced, with close links to powerful financial interests like the Rothschilds and the Rockefellers.